Defending against Houthi missiles at lower cost
Houthi attacks against commercial shipping and American warships, as well as those of other nations, have yet to cease. American and British forces have launched numerous attacks against Houthi installations, all to no avail. Despite the destruction that the air strikes have wrought, the Yemeni rebel group’s operations do not appear to have diminished. Moreover, the Houthis continue to receive Iranian equipment, spare parts and trainers.
Iran has long supported the Houthis for both religious and political reasons. The Houthis practice Zaidi Islam, one of the three branches of Shiite Islam. The latter predominates in Iran; Tehran claims leadership of all Shiite Muslims, if not all Muslims. Other than Sunni Hamas, all other Iranian client groups throughout the Middle East practice some form of Shiism.
The Houthis claim that they are attacking American maritime forces because of Washington’s support for the Jewish State. The first such attack took place on Nov. 19, about six weeks after the Oct. 7 Hamas attack on Israel; the attacks have intensified over the ensuing seven months.
Secretary of the Navy Carlos Del Toro testified before Congress in May that the fleet’s defenses against Houthi missile and drone attacks have cost the United States nearly a billion dollars. That cost surely has risen since then as the attacks have continued.
American and British aircraft have responded to the attacks on multiple occasions with air strikes against Houthi installations. After each such strike, the Pentagon has announced that the attacks have “degraded” Houthi capabilities. But from all indications, those capabilities remain sufficient to harass all ships that transit the Red Sea.
As has been the case with the Biden administration’s hesitancy in supplying all of Ukraine’s military needs for fear of provoking the Russians, so too Washington has limited both the number and intensity of air strikes against the Houthis for fear of confronting their Iranian sponsors.
The White House continues to labor under the impression, more illusory than real, that it can somehow reach an accommodation with Tehran that would slow the pace of its nuclear weapons program. Any direct action against Iran would put paid to the hope of a new nuclear deal.
Not surprisingly, the Houthis have taken advantage of the political environment and continued to challenge American systems. As a result, what is little more than a collection of tribal rebels has been able to keep the world’s greatest superpower at bay for the better part of a year, with no end in sight.
Thanks to Iranian assistance, the Houthi arsenal now includes a maneuverable missile that the Houthis have dubbed “the Palestine” and have adorned its warhead with a drawing of a Palestinian Kaffiyeh. The Palestine is meant to threaten Israel and recently was aimed at the southern Israeli port of Eilat. It failed to hit its target, however. Indeed, not only have the Israelis defeated all incoming Houthi missiles and drones, but they have done so with less costly systems than those aboard American warships.
In particular, since 2017 the Israelis have emplaced their Iron Dome anti-rocket and anti-drone system aboard their Sa’ar missile boats. The system has proved to be highly successful, with a probability of kill greater than 90 percent. More recently, the Israeli Navy merged the Barak missile with the Iron Dome system, giving their missile corvettes an anti-missile capability at a fraction of the cost of equivalent American systems.
Specifically, the Barak missile costs approximately $500,000, roughly one-fourth the cost of the American SM-2 missile and one-sixth that of the SM-3, both of which the U.S. Navy employs against Houthi missiles. The Israeli system also attacks incoming threats at a distance upwards of 50 kilometers, much further than American last-ditch shipborne defenses.
Given the likelihood that America will not take any direct action against Iran, the Navy will continue to operate in a defensive crouch against Houthi attacks, coupled with sporadic air strikes against their installations. In that event, the Pentagon should consider acquiring the Israeli naval version of Iron Dome.
At the behest of Congress, the U.S. acquired two Iron Dome batteries for the Army some years ago. In turn, it leased them to Israel after the Oct. 7 attacks. The Army has not identified a clear need for these systems and Washington may sell them back to Israel.
In contrast, the requirement for a cheaper way to defend against Houthi attacks on warships is very real. For that reason, acquiring the maritime version of Iron Dome makes good sense for the United States. Doing so would both reduce the currently huge cost disparity between incoming threats and defensive systems, and enable interceptions at an extended range from the warships it plans to defend. As the Congress marks up the fiscal 2025 Defense budget, maritime Iron Dome should be on its agenda.
Dov S. Zakheim is a senior adviser at the Center for Strategic and International Studies and vice chairman of the board for the Foreign Policy Research Institute. He was undersecretary of Defense (comptroller) and chief financial officer for the Department of Defense from 2001 to 2004 and a deputy undersecretary of Defense from 1985 to 1987.
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