As Russian President Vladimir Putin continues his bloody campaign in Ukraine, blatantly violating bilateral ceasefire agreements, Europe faces its biggest humanitarian and security crisis since World War II. The scale of U.S. support should be proportional to the size of this crisis, and the need is immediate, especially as Ukrainian’s military and humanitarian supplies shrink more each day and U.S. intelligence officials fear Putin will “double down” on his destructive campaign.
Last week, the Biden administration requested that Congress appropriate a $10 billion assistance package, providing humanitarian assistance, medicine and meals to Ukrainian citizens and helping our frontline NATO and European partners care for millions of refugees. It would ensure that military supplies flow into Ukraine and bolster the security of states such as Moldova that would be directly threatened by further Russian aggression. This package also would strengthen the United States’s government infrastructure, fortifying the departments and agencies that enforce economic restrictions against Russia and protecting our critical infrastructure from Russian cyber attacks.
Some may balk at the administration’s $10 billion price tag or the $13.6 billion that Congress is considering this week — but Putin’s penchant for destruction and his unwillingness to de-escalate must be met with an assistance surge to Ukrainians that meets the moment. Ramparting and rebuilding will require a response like the Marshall Plan, including robust macroeconomic support from international financial institutions, the European Union, and the U.S. The clock is ticking.
Congress should increase funding levels beyond $10 billion to ensure that Ukrainians in and outside of Ukraine have the support they need today and over the next year. The administration’s $10 billion request may not meet all of Ukrainians’ near-term defense, humanitarian, economic, energy and infrastructure needs. These needs only grow, day by day, as Russia continues its onslaught. The White House anticipates “that additional needs may arise over time,” but Congress should put in place a higher level of funding before it’s too late. Bipartisan legislation introduced by Reps. Bill Keating (D-Mass.), Marcy Kaptur (D-Ohio), and Brian Fitzpatrick (R-Pa.) on March 8 is one good example of members staying ahead of the curve, to preemptively provide additional humanitarian funding that Ukrainians will need as the conflict worsens.
But what should U.S. assistance look like beyond the price tag? Congress can rethink the types of assistance the U.S. provides to Ukraine and its partners in Europe, recalculating how it advances both hard and soft power. While Congress supports Ukraine financially, the U.S. also could counter ongoing Russian disinformation efforts in Hungary and Bulgaria, support greater energy independence for Moldova and Latvia, and plan for potentially permanent American military bases in Poland or Lithuania.
Given strong bipartisan support for Ukraine and considering the difficult reality of moving legislation through a contentious Congress close to midterm elections, both sides of the aisle should use this moment to put in place the right level of resources before it’s too late.
The assistance package that Ukrainians badly need shouldn’t be bogged down in partisan gridlock and its resultant delays. Congress must plan to “go big,” right now.
House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) recently said: “We hope that we can come to an agreement. It’s about humanitarian assistance, it’s about security assistance, and it’s about economic assistance.” Our nation’s interest and future are threatened by Putin and what happens next in Ukraine. With increased U.S. support for Ukrainians, our allies, our partners and in our own capabilities and deterrence, we are making an investment in our nation’s own security, prosperity, and future.
The Biden administration and Congress must reach an agreement on emergency funding as soon as possible — an agreement more substantial than the levels initially requested — and Congress must move the package immediately, before it’s too late.
Jonathan Katz is a former deputy assistant administrator for USAID who oversaw humanitarian relief programs in Ukraine and the broader region. For the past three years, as a senior fellow and director of democracy initiatives for the German Marshall Fund, he has co-coordinated a working group of Ukrainian civil society experts and nongovernmental organizations. Follow him on Twitter @JonDKatz.