Editor’s note: This story was updated to correct an individual’s connection to a shooting. We regret the error.
Many breathed a sigh of relief last week that U.S. Haiti policy had changed, former Prime Minister Ariel Henry agreed to resign and international actors and traditionally feuding Haitian elites appeared to have negotiated a way out of the nation’s crisis.
However, this last chance to escape a national gang takeover hangs by a thread.
Flights into and out of Haiti’s airport remain suspended, and Port-au-Prince’s main port — the principal entry point for food, medicine and other vital goods — has been overrun by the same gangs who released more than 3,800 criminals from two prisons a week ago.
Half the country’s 11 million population is in need of humanitarian aid according to the United Nations, and 1 million are a step away from famine. The U.N. reported that killings, rapes and kidnappings “intensified,” along with “indiscriminate armed gang violence.”
Understandably, the Biden administration, which is dealing with conflicts in Ukraine and the Middle East, is reluctant to add another charge to the Pentagon. However, the White House, which is building a pier in Gaza to deliver much-needed humanitarian aid, must find a way to do the equivalent in Haiti.
At the March 11 emergency meeting in Jamaica, U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken and representatives from CARICOM, Canada, Mexico, Brazil, France, Kenya and the U.N. seemed to have gotten Haitian agreement for a seven-member transitional presidential council, which then would name a new prime minister.
The organizations, ranging from the Dec. 21 High Transition Council named by Henry over a year ago, the Montana Accord, Lavalas, the business community, civil society and others, were to name their council representatives in 24-48 hours.
Not all met the deadline. One party initially opted out and aligned itself with convicted drug money launderer Guy Philippe. Until a new government is in place, Kenya’s government has stated that its multinational security force will not deploy to Haiti.
Had Henry, appointed just before the July 2021 assassination of former president Jovenel Moïse and lacking legitimacy, been given the ultimatum that the U.S. finally delivered, Haitians might have been spared the past year-long descent into agonizing violence.
In 2023, reported homicides increased by 120 percent over 2022, with 4,789 victims, (including 465 women, 93 boys and 48 girls). Since Jan. 1, another 1,200 have been killed. Kidnapping victims reportedly rose 83 percent over 2022 to 2,490. Rapes were and are a constant gang menace.
Even if the council stays intact and names a new prime minister, the international “godparents” still have three urgent tasks ahead:
- First, reassert the Haitian National Police’s control of the country’s main airport and seaport, which are critical for food and medical imports. The police force can also help the overall economy to function.
- Second, establish and protect a series of humanitarian corridors from the Dominican border to Cap-Haitien and beyond, and from secure smaller ports. This way, the U.N. and non-government organizations can obtain food and medicine to deliver to a population that cannot leave their homes safely to feed their children or receive medicine and health care. Even if they could, most markets, pharmacies, hospitals and clinics are closed.
- Third, provide security protection to the courageous men and women who agree to be part of the presidential council and the forthcoming new prime minister. Rather than being held accountable for their crimes, Philippe and gang leader Jimmy “Barbecue” Cherizier threatened the council and demanded governing roles. On Friday, as the formation of the presidential council was almost complete, one of Cherizier’s top associates was shot dead by police forces.
Guaranteeing humanitarian aid to the Haitian people must be a multinational effort. Chile and Argentina have a joint-trained peacekeeping force. They and Brazil have served in Haiti before. However, until the U.S. is ready to offer its military forces — including helicopters, drones and ships — at least on a temporary humanitarian mission, it is unlikely that others will join.
Protected humanitarian corridors also would provide hope to the Haitian people and a foundation for the Kenyan multinational force deployment. Offering a security investment now would bolster any new transition government and hopefully enable, down the road, legitimate and secure elections.
Mark L. Schneider is a senior advisor at the Center for Strategic and International Studies and the Pan American Development Foundation and served as director of the Peace Corps and USAID’s assistant administrator for Latin America and the Caribbean.