Next month, the House and Senate will meet to find a path forward on the America COMPETES Act — a comprehensive package to improve supply chains, encourage more American manufacturing, and strengthen our diplomatic efforts around the world.
The COMPETES Act is a priority for both the House and the Senate — and it should be. We need to put the United States on the best possible footing to compete with China in the long-term by bolstering American manufacturing and ensuring our supply chains are resilient, and by once again shoring up the diplomatic strength of the United States on the world stage.
Right now, we’re coming up short.
One of the clearest examples is with UN Peacekeeping, a global effort under the United Nations that places UN troops in countries experiencing conflict to help create conditions for lasting peace.
Studies have shown UN Peacekeeping operations are “astonishingly” effective at resolving civil wars, saving lives, reducing sexual and gender-based violence, and rebuilding state institutions — all at a very low cost, especially compared to U.S.-led efforts.
And yet, the United States owes more than a billion dollars in unpaid dues to the UN Peacekeeping budget, the result of chronically underpaying our commitments over time. In 1994, the U.S. instituted a statutory “cap,” limiting U.S. contributions to 25 percent of the UN Peacekeeping budget and limiting our government from paying our treaty-bound obligations.
That’s why I introduced The U.S. Commitment to Peacekeeping Act last year and why I worked — along with several of my colleagues — to include the bill in the COMPETES Act, which passed the House in February. My bill would permanently remove that cap and enable us to pay our full Peacekeeping dues every year.
With the cap still in place, China’s government has taken advantage.
A recent report details how both Russia and China are using their investments in UN peacekeeping strategically. China, in particular, is steadily increasing its investments to advance its political and economic interests, while deepening its relationships with developing countries.
China is now the second largest contributor to UN Peacekeeping, behind the U.S. — a development the U.S. had rightly encouraged as a form of burden-sharing. But China has also increased their peacekeeping personnel to levels higher than the U.S., the UK, France, and Russia combined.
And those investments are paying off. China’s increased contributions position them to make a “compelling case,” using U.S. budget shortfalls to alter mission structures by — as one example — trying to eliminate important human rights positions within missions.
Troop contributing countries — often low-income countries — bear the most burden of our non-payment. It means the troops they give to the peacekeeping missions don’t get paid. China’s government has seized on this, painting the U.S. as an unreliable partner or, in their words, “the world’s biggest debtor.” And we are seeing the consequences in real time: Troop contributing countries have started to align their votes with China’s interests over U.S. interests. This matters and is a distinct shift: one of our strategic advantages historically has been our ability to rally other countries to our side in international institutions.
As someone who has worked at the State Department, the UN, and now in Congress, I know how harmful this self-inflicted wound is and how much it damages our efforts and our reputation on the world stage. The United States needs to eliminate our UN peacekeeping dues cap and restore our reputation as a country that keeps its promises. It allows us to argue from a position of strength — whether pressing for peacekeeping reforms or the structure of missions — and to be seen as a reliable partner by low-income countries, many of whom have historically been allies.
If the United States is serious about offering an alternative to our competitors, we have to prove that our leadership and commitment to our values are consistent.
Sara Jacobs represents California’s 53th District and is a member of the House Foreign Affairs Committee and the House Armed Services Committee.