How bad was Trump’s week? Even the GOP is standing up to him

President Trump just had his worst terrible-no-good-very-bad week. That’s saying a lot, because he has had so many terrible-no-good-very-bad weeks since becoming president that one could easily wonder: how it could get worse? 

It just did. 

By naming Genenal John Kelly as his new Chief of Staff, Trump is admitting he needed to make a drastic change.  But not even Kelly can erase this week’s numerous debacles. And he certainly cannot change Trump’s nature which is at the root of all his troubles.

What marks this week as particularly pernicious for the administration is the ominous danger sign for this president in his loss of support among Republican members of Congress — in both the House and Senate. Could this mark the beginning of the end?

{mosads}The abandonment of Trump became clear though a series of political missteps and gross miscalculations that began with Trump’s mean, bare-knuckled, treatment of Attorney General Jeff Sessions. In a series of tweets, Trump insulted him; he called him “weak” and “beleaguered;” and he seemed determined to push Sessions to resign. 

We know Trump is upset that Sessions recused himself from the Russia probe. But to go to these lengths to verbally abuse him simply because he followed the law betrays Trump’s own sense of guilt and frustration that Sessions could not shut down any Russia-related investigations. The president is particularly incensed that Sessions’ recusal may have led to Mueller’s appointment as White House special counsel.

Republicans are none too pleased Trump is going after his own AG who also happens to be their long-time former colleague in the Senate — and the reason Trump was given conservative bonafides during his run for president. Sessions vouched for him. And conservatives came to support him because of it. 

The second misstep came as he gave a fiery, red-meat, profanity laced and completely inappropriate speech before tens of thousands of Boy Scouts. It was not only hyper-political — (even after he said, “Who the hell wants to talk about politics in front of the Boy Scouts?”) — but it was also a grossly inarticulate, rambling, steam of consciousness about things these poor scouts had no clue about or interest in. 

It was so bad that an official with the Boy Scouts felt compelled to issue an apology to the scouting community for the political rhetoric of Trump’s speech. 

Then came the mystifyingly out-of-left-field series of tweets declaring that the military would no longer accept transgender troops. Trump changed national, military policy on Twitter, without giving his military generals a heads up. 

The dam broke. The barrage of criticism from Republicans — from conservative Ruby Red states no less — was a deafening and beautiful sound to those who have fought for LGBT rights for so long. As hurtful, outrageous and bigoted as Trump’s tweets were, it actually demonstrated in real time just how much our country has moved in the progressive and humane direction of viewing transgender Americans as human beings. Ironically, Trump used to brag about how he would protect LGBT Americans. How empty those words became this week.

Add to this brew the Russia sanctions bill that passed overwhelmingly in the House and Senate, which the White House may only begrudgingly support because they know a Trump veto would be easily overridden. Add to that, warnings from Republicans to Trump to not even dare try to fire either Sessions or Mueller. Then there is the weird, unhinged, vulgar tirade coming from new White House Communications Director Anthony Scaramucci, insulting (now former) White House Chief of Staff Reince Preibus and threatening any staffer involved in leaks. 

On their own, these were all difficult moments for Republicans supporting an unpopular president. 

Then came the straw that broke the camel’s back: The slow train-wreck of a debacle that was the GOP Senate effort to repeal and replace ObamaCare. After a procedural vote to open debate barely passed this week, the Senate embarked on a bizarre “vote-o-rama” that showed just how tortured, out-of-order and secretive the process was. No one really knew what they would ultimately be voting on. 

Talk of a “Skinny Repeal” bill dominated the day, but no bill came to light until the dark of night. Then, we all saw just how inadequate and cruel the bill would be if passed. The Congressional Budget Office confirmed it would leave 16 million without health insurance in the first year while premiums rose 20 percent. Then premiums would rise another 20 percent in the second year.

It was so heinous that Sens. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) and, the maverick, John McCain (R-Ariz.) called it bad policy and bad politics. Even Republicans who were voting for it wanted assurances from House leaders that the bill would never become law — that it would only be a vehicle that would be a catalyst for a Senate-House conference. 

But come on, how can you justify voting for a bill you say you would never want to become law? Take it from a former Democratic senator, the slogan, “I actually voted for it before I was against it,” is not a winning slogan. 

In the end, the McCain joined Sens. Susan Collins (R-Maine) and Lisa Murkowski (R-Alaska) in helping to sink the bill. 

These three senators stood up to Trump’s pressure and bullying and did the right thing for their constituents and most Americans. 

Hopefully, this week marks the beginning of Republicans standing up to an emperor they know has no clothes. Until now, they were willing to look the other way just as long as they got their agenda through. 

Hopefully, Republicans realize this is no longer a good enough reason to continue supporting a president who is not only not making America great again, but making America a weak laughing stock around the world.

Hopefully, Republicans realize they are Americans first, and are now free to act like it. 

Maria Cardona is a principal at the Dewey Square Group, a Democratic strategist and a CNN/CNN Español political commentator. Follow her on Twitter @MariaTCardona.

The views expressed by contributors are their own and not the views of The Hill.